Thursday, 13 March 2025

Escape by the Motor Torpedo Boats - December 1941

One of the first and one of the most audacious escapes following the surrender of the colony on Christmas Day 1941 was that undertaken by the Royal Navy's five surviving Motor Torpedo Boats (MTBs). Three of the original eight boats that made up the Hong Kong based MTB flotilla were destroyed by enemy action during the battle. Two of the three destroyed boats had been put out of action whilst attacking Japanese landing craft in the harbour on 19 Dececember 1941. The other destroyed boat had caught fire and burnt out on the slipway during an air raid on the Aberdeen Naval Dockyard. After the difficult but inevitable decision to surrender had been made during the afternoon on Christmas Day, forty-eight year old Commodore Alfred Collinson, the most senior Royal Navy officer and a member of the Defence Council, sent the one word signal 'GO' to Lt-Cdr Gerard Horace Gandy, the MTB flotilla commander. This was the pre-arranged signal to make good their escape from Hong Kong.

Lt-Cdr Gandy, known by his middle name Horace, joined the Royal Navy as a cadet in 1909. During the First World War he had served on the sloop HMS Arabis which was sunk by a flotilla of Gernan MTBs in February 1916 while undertaking minesweeping operations in the North Sea. The German Navy rescued fourteen survivors, including Horace Gandy, who became prisoners of war. The rest of the crew numbering some seventy-six men perished. Gandy met his Dutch wife, Dorothea ('Dolly') Noordanns while interned at Den Haag. He retired  from the Royal Navy in the 1920s and then settled in Hong Kong where he worked as a surveyor for the Public Works Department  (PWD). Forty-year-old Dolly Gandy had chosen to remain in Hong Kong with her husband rather than joining the evacuation of British women and children that took place in June/July 1940. Gandy, aged forty-five at the time of the escape, had been recalled for naval service when war broke out in Europe in September 1939. After the British capitulation in Hong Kong and after her husband's escape, Dolly Gandy was interned at Stanley Camp where she remained until liberation in September 1945. After the war the couple returned to Hong Kong and Gandy resumed his pre-war career with PWD. 

MTB 26 & 27

Gandy had no desire to became a prisoner of war for the second time. He was keen to escape although anxious about leaving Dolly behind but he was a naval officer and he had a job to do. The signal to go had been given but he was still waiting to pick up Admiral Chan Chak, the Head of the Nationalist Chinese Military Mission to Hong Kong. The importance of getting the one-legged Chinese Admiral and his key staff out of Hong Kong and back to Free China before they could be captured had been strongly stressed to Gandy. Admiral Chan's staff  included Lt-Cdr Henry Hsu, Aide-De-Camp , Colonel Yee Shiu-kee ('SK'), Chief of Staff, and Coxswain Yeung Chuen, the Admiral's trusted bodyguard. The Chinese Government in Chungking had made it clear to Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, the British Ambassador to China, the importance they placed on extricating the Admiral. Gandy wanted to wait until nightfall and then go under cover of darkness rather than making a perilous attempt to escape in broad daylight. The MTBs were equipped with radio sets and on Lt Alexander ('Alick') Kennedy's boat, MTB 09, they were confused by the one-word signal intercepted from the Commodore to Gandy. The significance soon became clear when looking towards Mount Davis they saw the white flag flying from the Royal Navy Port War Signal Station and from other positions on the hillside. Further confirmation that Hong Kong had surrendered  came with a second signal from the Commodore with orders for the Royal Navy to cease fire forthwith and cease hostilities. 

It is puzzling that the Commodore ordered the boats to leave in broad daylight. Perhaps he thought their speed would enable them to escape fire. They would most likely have come under fire from a combination of Japanese land based artillery, Japanese aircraft and from Japanese warships blockading Hong Kong. The Japanese Navy had orders to ensure that there would be no relief, nor reinforcement, nor extrication by sea. Whilst the MTBs had the advantage of speed it was important that the Japanese did not discover their landing place on the China coast and their escape route inland. The MTB's fuel tanks would barely allow them to reach the Philippines. If they tried to reach Singapore, double the distance, they would need to refuel at least once.  Going to Manila or Singapore would mean passing through hostile waters at a time when the Philippines, Malaya and Singapore were all under attack. The best prospect was to make a landfall along the China coast to the northeast of Hong Kong. They would then attempt to obtain assistance from Chinese villagers and resistance fighters to make the journey inland through Japanese occupied territory to Waichow, now known as Huizhao, in Free China. To go in daylight would have been reckless and to go at night would still be a hazardous undertaking. 

Gandy discussed the Commodore's one-word signal with Francis Woodley ('Mike') Kendall, the Canadian leader of a clandestine special forces unit known as 'Z-Force' and which was part of Special Operations Executive (SOE). Mike Kendall and two other SOE operatives were aboard the MTBs in order to undertake a special mission behind Japanese lines. Kendall and Gandy agreed it would be better to wait for the cover of nightfall which was only a few hours away. This would allow more time to link up with Admiral Chan Chak's party and eliminate the risk of being intercepted during a daylight dash along the coast. Kendall was particularly anxious not to leave without the Admiral who he realised would be needed to get the cooperation of Chinese villagers and guerilla fighters. Gandy, not wanting to disobey orders, sent a message to the Extended Defence Officer stating that he proposed to 'go' after dark and that he would pick up Admiral  Chan Chak and his party at Aberdeen Dockyard. After receiving no reply he sent a repeat signal to the Commodore. The Commodore did not see the signal  because he had left the RN Dockyard and had gone up to Goverment House. The Governor, Sir Mark Young, had invited the Commodore, and the General Officer Commanding (GOC), Major-General Maltby, to join him at Government House to await the anticipated arrival of the Japanese following the decision  to surrender. The Governor and the GOC had delegated, to Lt-Col Stewart, 1/Mx, the commander of troops on the Wan Chai front line, the task of communicating the surrender to the Japanese military command. The Japanese had insisted that the Governor and the GOC come in person to effect the surrender at the Japanese forward HQ at the Lee Theatre Building in Causeway Bay. There was not enough room to take the Commodore  in the car conveying the surrender party to Causeway Bay. A more formal surrender took place later that evening at Lt-General Sakai's 23rd Army HQ at the Peninsular Hotel. The Commodore having been left behind at Government House returned to the RN Dockyard. It was about 1700 hours and after returning to the RN Dockyard the Commodore replied to Gandy's signal suggesting he leave after dark. The Commodore's signal curtly stated that Gandy's request was 'not approved' and that he should leave immediately with Kendall and the SOE operatives. The Commodore was surprised and no doubt annoyed that the MTBs were still waiting and had not made good their escape. He was concerned that they would lose the opportunity to extricate once the formal surrender had been signed. The surrender was to be unconditional and an escape by the MTBs after the surrender had been signed would be construed as a breach of the terms of the surrender. In case the radio signals were not properly  received  and mindful that the Japanese possessed radio direction finding equipment, the Commodore decided to send a runner to pass the message by word of mouth to Gandy. The runner was Lt-Cdr John Yorath, RN (Rtd), a senior staff officer. His orders were to go to the Aberdeen Dockyard and find the MTBs and deliver the Commodore's message to go immediately. 

Admiral Chan Chak

Lt-Cdr Yorath acting as an emissary for the Commodore returned to his home, picked up his hired car and drove to the naval base at the former Aberdeen Industrial School (AIS). There was no sign of the MTBs at the dockside. Commander Hugh Montague, the Senior Naval Officer (SNO) at Aberdeen wrote in his war diary, dated 16 January 1942,  that Yorath arrived at AIS at around 1800 hours. This was nearly two hours after the arrival of Admiral Chan's escape party which Montague recalled as being at or around 1615 hours. Montague told Yorath that if the MTBs had not already left then the nearest boats would be on the seaward side of Aberdeen Island. In that positionn, they were protected by the hilly terrain of the island and they were out of open-sight range of Japanese artillery. Yorath asked if there was any way he could cross the harbour to Aberdeen Island by taking a boat. Norman Halladay, a member of the Dockyard Defence Corps and a former Merchant Navy engineer, who was based at AIS volunteered to help. At the dockside, they founda rowing boat and the two men rowed out of Aberdeen Harbour in a westerly direction towards Magazine Island. This was safer than the eastward route taken by Chan Chak's party which was covered by Japanese troops on Brick Hill. Yorath and Halladay got safely out of the harbour despite sporadic shelling and rounded the western end of Aberdeen Island where they found three of the MTBs. Gandy wrote in the flotilla war diary that the two men came alongside his vessel, MTB 10,at or around 1830 hours. Yorath delivered his oral message from the Commodore to Gandy. At about the same time MTB 27 signalled that a man was swimming out to them from Aberdeen Island. He turned out to be part of Admiral Chan Chak's missing party. Yorath and Halladay were allowed to remain with the MTBs and participate in the planned and by then imminent escape.

Earlier that Christmas afternoon, MTB 08 (Lt Ron Ashby, HKRNVR)  and MTB 09 (Lt Alick Kennedy, RNVR) lay abreast of each other in the shallow water beside a stone jetty at Telegraph Bay located between Aberdeen and Mount Davis. The boats were well concealed from Japanese aircraft by their recently painted disruptive pattern camouflage consisting of various colours including grey, brown, green and yellow. They also used foliage  to help hide the boats from aerial observation. The other three boats MTB 10 (Lt-Cdr Horace Gandy, RN Rtd), MTB 11 (Lt John Collingwood, RN), and MTB 27 (Lt Thomas Parsons, HKRNVR) were anchored south of Aberdeen Island. The three SOE operatives aboard the boats were trained to operate behind enemy lines, conducing raids and carrying out acts of sabotage. Their leader, Mike Kendall, was a former mining engineer and he was well versed in the use of explosives. Kendall was charismatic and a natural leader.  With Kendall was Colin McEwan, a Scot, who had been a Lsatin and PE teacher in civilian life, and Monia Talan, a Russian businessman who had moved to Hong Kong from Shanghai. The unit was nominally part of the HKVDC but as a special forces unit they reported to Colonel Newnham, the senior staff officer at the Battle Box. They had already been aboard the MTBs for a few days as part of a plan to support guerilla operations in the area around Sha Tau Kok. The resof their team were in the New Territories and already operating behind enemy lines.

Kendall - the leader of the clandestine SOE team

Admiral Chan Chak, a former protégé  of Dr Sun Yat-sen, had his leg amputated at St Teresa's Hospital in Kowloon following wounds incurred while in action against the Japanese at the Bocca Tigris forts in 1938. As the senior representative  of the Chinese Government in Hong Kong he had access to Hong Kong Government offcials including the Governor and the Defence Secretary and likewise to senior military officers including the GOC. The Admiral's office was in Shell House, the headquarters of the Asiatic Petroleum Company, located at the junction  of Pedder Street and Queen's Road. The Governor, Sir Mark Young, had assured the Admiral that the MTBs would take him out of Hong Kong in the event of a British capitulation. In the early afternoon on Christmas Day, Chan Chak was warned that the surrender of the colony was imminent. He was asked to wait with his party at the nearby Gloucester Building. The escape party was joined by several staff officers from the Battle Box, incluing Captain Freddie Guest, Captain Peter Macmillan, Squadron Leader Max Oxford and Indian Police Superintenent Bill Robinson. The staff officers had received permission from Major General Maltby to join the escape attempt. Maltby himself had declined to participate in the escape stating that he felt the duty of a commmander was to remain with his men.

Two government officials , David ('Mac') MacDougall and his Canadian assistant Ted Ross, both from the Hong Kong Branch of the British Ministry of Information joined the escape group. MacDougall and Ross had been planning a possible escape for some days. Ted Ross had a canvas canoe which he had used before the war and he kept it under the trees at the back of Repulse Bay Beach. This, they felt might be a possible means for getting off the island and into the hills of the New Territories. However, Repulse Bay was captured by the Japanese on 23 December having been under siege since 20 December. Another idea they had was to go to Deep Water Bay, swim to Middle Island and purloin a boat from one of the Yacht Club boat sheds, but by Christmas Day, Deep Water Bay was also in Japanese hands. The opportunity to escape presented itself when they were asked to help get Admiral Chan Chak's party to Aberdeen and the waiting MTBs. Two or three times a day MacDougall and Ross would visit the Battle Box to get an appreciation of the fighting situation and to agree the wording of the periodic government communiques. MacDougall and Ross would have known the staff officers in the Battle Box who participated in the escape. MacDougall had been in regular contact with Chan Chak. The men from the ministryseem to have been instrumental in coordinating the escape of Chan Chak's group. The men from the ministry had access to a large commandeered Buick. On Christmas Day they had the large vehicle waiting in an alleyway  near King's Theatre ready to make the all important journey to Aberdeen Harbour. 

At around 1530 hours, Fraklin Gimson, the new Colonial Secretary, arrived at MacDougall's office on the third floor of the Gloucester Building. Gimson had come down from Government House to pass the message that the surrender was now official and that they should proceed with the extrication plan. The escape group at this stage consisted of ten men; four staff officers from the Battle Box, the four Chinese including Chan Chak and the two government officials. They got into two cars, the Buick driven by Ted Ross and an Austin procurred and driven by Henry Hsu, the Admiral's aide-de-camp. They set off by way of Pok Fu Lam Road to the naval base at AIS. Although the white flag had been hoisted in Victoria, the news of the surrender had not reached all Japanese units and on-going aerial bombing, artillery and mortar fire made it a dangerous journey.

At AIS, they were joined by Major Arthur Goring, a cavalry officer with the British Indian Army who was serving as a senior staff officer at the Battle Box also referred to as HQ China Command. He had been brought out from India a few months earlier with Bill Robinson, an officer in the Indian Police Service, to deal with Sikh unrest in the army and police. During the afernoon, Goring  had remained with his boss, Major-General Maltby, at the Battle Box, until Maltby  had left to join the Governor and Commodore at Government House. Gorng then made his own way to the centre of town where he managed to flag down a passing vehicle in Ice House Street. The car was driven by a prvate from the Royal Scots. The driver was looking for ARP HQ. Goring asked the driver if he could take him to Aberdeen. The driver was happy to oblige and on reaching Aberdeen, Goring offered the driver the chance to escape with him if they were able to find a suitable boat. The driver declined saying that he could not swim and that he had better proceed  to ARP HQ. Who the soldier was and whether or not he survived the last day of the battle or the incarceration that followed is still a mystery. 

Commander Montague was surprised when at 1615 hours the escape party of ten men arrived at the naval base in two cars to rendezvous with the MTBs. Montague had assumed that the flotilla had left in accordance  with the Commodore's  orders earlier that afternoon. He told them that if the boats  were still in Hong Kong they may be laying up along the coast at Sandy Bay or Telegraph Bay or if not there they may be anchored on the seaward sifr of Aberdeen Island. He pointed ou that the boats would not enter Aberdeen Harbour during daylight hours because of the danger of coming under artillery fire. Montague told the escape party  that he was trying to raise a 150-ton diesel berthing tug referred to in most accounts as C-410 and named Polly. The tug had run aground the previous night in Aberdeen Channel. It had been utilised to ferry ammunition from Aberdeen to Stanley. Montague expected to re-float the vessel on the high tide later that evening and he suggested if they were willing to wait he could take them to Mirs Bay. However, the escape group were anxious to leave immediately and to try and find the MTBs. Montague accompanied them to the dockside:

I took the party to the Dockyard to see if a boat could be obtained. The only boat immediately available was a motorboat belonging to HMS Cornflower. She had sufficient range to make the passage to Mirs Bay but she could also take the party to the MTBs if they were nearby. 1

HMS Cornflower  had been the base ship for the HKRNVR. The ship had been scuttled at Deep Water Bay on 19 December. With the intervention of Commander Montague, the Cornflower's 25-foot cabin launch was requisitioned together with its mixed crew of five HKRNVR and Merchant Navy volunteers. The volunteer crew included Alec Damsgaard, a Danish master mariner, Holger Christansen, a Danish cadet, Douglas Harley, a Second Engineer, Sub-Lt John Forster and Warrant Officer William Wright both serving with the HKRNVR. Damsgaard was the former captain of a Danish cable ship Store Nordiske. William Wright  had been captured with some other naval personnel at the Repulse Bay Hotel garages by a forward Japanese platoon on 20 December. On that day the garrison at the hotel fired at the Japanese troops and the siege of Repulse Bay Hotel began. This ocurred just as East Infantry Brigade were counterattacking and trying to link up with West Infantry Brigade by repossessing WNC Gap and they joined the firefight at the hotel garrages and at the junction of Island Road and Repulse Bay Hotel. The Japanese troops were mostly killed but some managed to escape by lowering themselves out of the back windows and escaping along the beach. The prisoners, including Warrant Officer Wright, were recovered unharmed from the garage block after the firefight ended.  

Montague told the escape party which by then included the crew of the Cornflower's launch that if they were unable to contact the MTBs they should wait for him near Magazine Island. He would pick them up on C-410 after night fall. The escape party which now numbered sixteen boarded the launch at 1645 hours. The vessel had been loaded with supplies in case they were unable to find the MTBs and had to make the journey to Mirs Bay by way of the launch. They chose to leave by the south-eastern channel. This was a mistake. They should have gone out the western side of the harbour towards Magazine Island. Had they taken the west route they may have been fired on by artillery but they would have avoided the concentrated machine fire  from Japanese troops occupying the Brick Hill peninsula. Earlier that morning the Japanese had overran and captured the AA battery at Brick Hill and may have occupied the two  vacated pillboxes, PB 12 and PB 13. These two pillboxes were situated along the western shore line of the Brick Hill promontory overlooking the Aberdeen Channel and facing Aberdeen Island. The AA battery and the two pillboxes would have had a clear line of sight on the Cornflower launch as it motored up the Aberdeen Channel in order to reach the seaward side of Aberdeen Island. 

The helmsman, Alec Damsgaard, stayed close to the eastern side of the channel which was nearer the Japanese positions on Brick Hill. The launch was spotted by Japanese troops who opened fire with rifles and machine guns. On coming under fire, Damsgaard increased speed and headed directly towards the open sea and towards Ap Lei Pai the small island attached to Aberdeen Island by a narrow causeway. The launch was soon riddled with bullets and her engine was put out of action. Sub-Lt Forster, HKRNVR, was mortally wounded, Damsgaard was wounded in both legs and Douglas Harley was drowned, possibly after being shot. Chan Chak was hit by a bullet in his wrist. MacDougall was shot in the shoulder with another bullet passing through his steel helmet and another clipped the heel of his shoe. Captain Guest, 1/Mx, was slightly injured in the face by a ricochet. After the engine stopped, the order was given to abandon the boat. Some undressed, others went over the side in their uniform and some still wearing their sidearm. Admiral Chan Chak undressed and unshipped  his artificial leg which he left on the boat. The Japanese continued to fire at the survivors swimming towards the south-eastern end of Aberdeen Island. The survivors gave differing estimates of the length of the swim. The distance between the headland at Brick Hill and Ap Lei Pai, the small island, was about 600 metres. Assuming they were more than half way between the two locations it is most likely a swimming distance of 200 to 300 metres. Major Goring, writing after the escape  in a magazine article published in March 1949, wrote that it took him forty-five minutes to swim ashore by which time he was exhausted. He had swum in his uniform complete with hs heavy service revolver and ammunition. It was quite a feat for the Admiral who had to swim the long distance with one leg and only one good arm. It was also hard for MacDougall who was wounded in the shoulder and floated most of the way on his back. When they abandoned the launch the bullets were spitting on the surface of the water like rain drops. It is surprising given the extent of machine gun fire directed at the boat and the men in the water that there were not more casualties. 

Wartime map showing Aberdeen Island - Aberdeen Channel and Brick Hill 

Colonel S.K. Yee was unable to swim and remained on the boat with Damsgaard and Forster who were both badly injured. Harley who drowned was the Second Engineer on the Jardines owned cargo ship SS Yat Shing. The cadet, Holger Christiansen, had also served on the Yat Shing. The wrecked motor launch drifted in the channel and eventually washed up on the shore of Aberdeen Island further to the north and near a small fishing village and church. Yee got help from the local fishermen who helped get the two wounded men to Queen Mary Hospital. Alec Damsgaard shot in both legs recovered but John (Jack) Forster, shot in the stomach, died in hospital two days later. Forster from Northern Ireland worked at the Tai Koo Dockyard a subsidiary of Butterfield & Swire. His wife Ray and their two daughters were interned at Stanley Camp together wth Ray's parents and her younger sister. Forster, an officer in the HKRNVR, was involved in the fighting  around Shouson Hill and he had helped carry back Major Charles Boxer who had been wounded in that area. Colonel Yee  escaped across the border and made his way to Free China where he joined Admiral Chan Chak at Kukong.

When the launch was put out of action and most of the men had gone over the side, Goring noticed how Bill Robinson, Indian Police Service, appeared to sink like a stone. He bobbed back to the surface having discarded his heavy Webley revolver, the fifty rounds of 0.455 ammunition, his steel helmet and boots. Goring swam to the island still wearing his uniform and his service revolver. The Japanese continued to fire at the swimmers after they had got ashore. The survivors took cover behind rocks as best they could and with the light fading they gained some protection from the firing. Aberdeen Island, referred to in Chinese as Ap Lei Chau which translates as Duck's Tongue Island, was linked by a narrow causeway  to a smaller adjacent island known as Ap Lei Pai. The stoney causeway was about ten metres wide and some sixty metres long. It is likely that some of the survivors came ashore on the small island and others on the causeway. Goring described how he was carried by the waves and dumped on the shingle which suggests he came ashore on the pebbly causeway. He took cover behind a boulder where he found Squadron Leader Max Oxford, RAF. Oxford was an intelligence officer who had worked closely with Major Boxer in the Battle Box. The Admiral recalled landing on a small island beside Ap Lei Chau which can only be Ap Lei Pai. He landed near a cave, a fissure in the rock face which is identifiable today. He sheltered from the firing in the fissure. The tracer rounds set some of the low vegetation on the island alight. Some of the escape party having discarded their shoes in the water suffered injuries to their feet not just from the rocky shoreline but also from the scorched vegetation. The Admiral sent Henry Hsu, who had remained with him, to get help from the fishing village on Aberdeen Island. Hsu set off but ran into other members of the group  and shortly after that the MTBs were spotted. Goring, the senior British officer, described how they gathered in a roofless ruined concrete hut to discuss their situation and decide the best course of action. 

We had no boat, no food. I had a pistol and fifty rounds of ammunition. The situation was certainly not good. Just then Holger Christiansen, the cadet, announced that he could hear motor boats. I told him to run like a hare  and see if he could recognise them as our craft. He dashed down to the water's edge while I went up the hill followed by the rest of the shoeless brigade, hobbling painfully along on their blistered toes over the sharp rocks. Presently I saw Holger shout, and saw him run down to the water, waving to three camouflaged boats lying in the bay below. Then I noticed that Holger was swimming towards them. As he swam  he shouted 'Look out ! There are some chaps coming who have been machine gunned.' 2

The boat crew mistakenky heard 'Look out! There some Japs coming with machine guns.' When a small group, including Henry Hsu and Arthur Goring appeared on the hillside behind Christiansen, MTB 11 initially opened fire. After a few bursts the firing ceased as it became evident from the frantic waving and shouting that they were not Japanese. Fortunately nobody was injured. Christiansen swam to the nearest boat which happened to be MTB 27 and he was hoisted aboard. Goring and some of the non-wounded swam out to the MTBs. Some of the group went back to collect the Admiral. The Admiral had somehow managed to crawl up the steep hillside of the small island. MTB 10 used her dinghy to pick up the two wounded men, Chan Chak and MacDougall.

At this stage everything was falling into place. Admiral Chan's party had been found and soon darkness would provide the protection they needed to make their escape. Gandy ordered Lt Collingwood, his second-in-command, to proceed to Telegraph Bay on MTB 11. He was to pass orders for MTB 07 and 09 to rendezvous with the other three boats at Aberdeen Island. Two of the three emgines on MTB 11 failed to start. She was taken in tow abreast by MTB 10 in an effort to fire up the two malfunctioning engines. While proceeding abreast the two MTB's came under Japanese artillery fire as they passed the entrance to Aberdeen Harbour. Soon the Napier engines roared into life and MTB 10 rejoined MTB 27 in the bay behind Aberdeen Island. The two moored boats at Telegraph Bay joined MTB 11 and proceeded back to the cover of Aberdeen Island. Alick Kennedy recalls the rendezvous as the boats gor ready to make their escape along the China coast.

At last dusk fell and the order came from Gandy to rendezvous with MTB 10, 11 and 27 south of Aberdeen Island.  When we arrived at the rendezvous the decks of the other two boats were crowded  with British and Chinese dressed in a queer assortment of clothes - stokers' overalls, bellbottoms and oilskins. We took two or three on board each boat. The Admiral refused to stay below and despite his wound looked surprisingly cheerful sitting on the bridge of MTB 10 in his newLieutenant-Commander's uniform borrowed from Gandy. 3

Gandy, Kendall and the Admiral conferred regarding the destination. Kendall suggested landing near Sha Tau Kok and linking up with the Chinese guerillas which had been their original mission when the SOE men were taken aboard the MTBs. The Admiral suggested stopping at Tung Ping Chau Island adjacent to Nanao, a fishing village on the eastern side of Mirs Bay. The village was located on a headland known as Dapeng Peninsula which separates Mirs Bay from Bias Bay now known as Daya Bay. It was an area thought to be free of Japanese troops and in an area in which Chinese guerillas operated. From there the plan was for them to proceed in-land to the Nationalist Chinese enclave of Waichow. The Admiral's plan was agreed and the MTBs set off in line ahead. At one point they passed a Japanese warship with searchlights switched on. The Japanese crew may have heard the engines and may have thought they were aircraft. The flotilla arrived at Tung Ping Chau (also known as Ping Chau) in the early hours of Friday 26 December.  Ping Chau was just within Hong Kong's eastern-most territorial waters. A party was sent ashore to establish whether there were Japanese in the vicinity and to make contact with the guerillas. The villagers fled when they heard the sound of engines thinking that it was a Japanese raiding party. They met with the village headman and a memmber of the guerillas. The guerillas were involved in anti-Japanese resistance and also smuggling goods from the coast to Waichow. In an area where most guerilla forces were linked to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) these resistance fighters were pro-Nationalist. The shore party returned to the waiting MTBs together with the Chinese from Ping Chau. The local Chinese helped the MTB's navigate across the sandy shallow bay avoiding rocks and shoals. Nanau on the Mainland was only a couple of miles from Ping Chau.

On the way to Nanao, they came across a tug which had grounded on the shallows. It was C 410 the naval berthing tug with Commander Montague and a six-man volunteer crew. After refloating the tug, they had left Aberdeen during the night and had also decided to make for Nanao. One of the crew, Lt Arthur Pettendrigh, RNR, had served in the China Maritime Customs (CMC). He had suggested making for the village because the charts showed the presence of a customs house. He felt the customs officers would be willing to help them. That night, Montague had taken the naval tug to Magazine Island, as he had promised to do, but seeing no sign of the Cornflower launch he proceeded towards Nanao. He had arrived ahead of the MTBs before running aground. 

The shore party at Nanao included Kendall and Henry Hsu. They made contact with the guerilla leader, Leung Wing-yuen, who knew the Admiral and had served with him previously. On hearing that the Admiral was with the British naval party they were eager to help and willing to guide the large group through Japanese lines to Waichow on the East River. Waichow was in Chinese Army hands and it was some sixty to seventy miles from Nanao. The boats were moved away from the beach to deeper water and were unloaded onto junks and sampans. Once the MTBs and the tug had been stripped of anything useful they were scuttled. The guerillas were offered to take anything that was left behind by the naval party including the Lewis guns, radios and other stores. 

The escape party began the journey inland from Nanao to Waichow, travelling at night to avoid detection and resting under cover during the daylight hours. The escape party numbered sixty-eight men, including Chan Chak's group, the two officials from the Ministry of Information, the three SOE operatives and the military and merchant Navy personnel. The overland journey to Waichow took four days and they arrived  on 29 December 1941. Most of the Cornflower launch party had discarded their footwear when they had to abandon the launch and swim to the island. They had been given shoes and aticles of clothing by the MTB crews and many were wearing ill-fitting borrowed gym shoes. As they drew closer to Waichow they were given bumpy pillion rides on bicycles sent out from Waichow for those with injured feet. The Admiral was carried on a chair attached to two poles to form a makeshift sedan chair. Kennedy recalled that as they got closer to Waichow they started seeing increasing numbers of Chinese soldiers. 

In the afternoon, we began to see Chinese regular troops in their green cotton uniforms and padded jackets and found them a reassuring sight. We spent the night at their local headquarters and by the following afternoon had reached the outskirts of Waichow. We formed up into a column four abreast, determined to show a sprightly step as we marched behind the Admiral. Chan Chak seemed to be enjoying the show immenseley and sat smiling in his chair. 4

In Waichow they were accommodated at the American Mission Hospital. Waichow changed hands a few times and the town had been subjected to a Japanese air raid on the day the escape party arrived. It was a common sight to see Japanese aircraft overhead. It is surprising that the Japanese did not garrison the town. It became the destination for many of the military and cvilian escapees from Hong Kong. It was the nearest part of Free China to Hong Kong and it became the location of a BAAG advanced HQ. The escape party stayed for two days in Waichow. The three SOE operatives, Mike Kendall, Colin McEwan and Monia Talan remained in Waichow rather than continuing to Kukong with the rest of the group. On 3 January 1942, McEwan and Talan returned to Nanao. They found the scuttled MTBs were not fully submerged. They had hoped to recover some of the abandoned weaponry but they had been secreted away and the guerillas were not keen on returning the weapons that they could use against the Japanese. The SOE agents had hoped to go to Sha Tau Kok to link up with the rest of their group who were operating behind Japanese lines. These included Eddie Teesdale, Ronnie Holmes and Robert Thompson. The Japanese were tipped off as to the presence of two armed foreigners in Nanao. Japanese naval vessels  were sent and troops landed. McEwan and Talan returned to Waichow. When the British Army Aid Group (BAAG) was established in March 1942, the three SOE members who were looking for a role  became some of the first members of the unit. Kendall was not trusted by the Nationalist authorities because he was seen to be too close to the Communist guerillas. Kendall also had a difficult relationship with Lt-Col Ride who established and commanded the BAAG. Kendall was forced to leave China and in July 1942 he and Talan were posted to India. Talan worked as a staff officer in Calcutta and Kendall became an instructor at Force 136 Eastern Warfare School in Poona. McEwan stayed with BAAG for the duration of the war.

On 31 December 1941, the escape party, less the three SOE men, left Waichow by boat. The next stage would take them 150 miles up the East (Dong) River. They were still accompanied by some of the Dapeng guerillas including Leung the guerilla leader. At a town called Longchuan on the East River, they met with Lt-Col Harry Owen-Hughes, HKVDC, who had been flown out of Hong Kong to Chungking on one of the last CNAC evacuation flights during the first two days of the battle. His role in Chungking, the capital of Free China, was to act as liaison officer with the Chinese Nationalist Government. It was hoped that he could persuade the Chinese Army to come to the aid of the beleagured British garrison at Hong Kong. Owen-Hughes had left his elderly parents behind at his home on the Peak in Hong Kong. In late January his parents were interned at Stanley Camp. His father, John Owen-Hughes never came out of camp, he died while interned in February 1945. Harry Owen-Hughes provided the escape party with warm Chinese Army jackets and helped organise and fund the onward journey. After leaving the East River they were taken by truck to Kukong, now known as Shaoguan. After the Japanese occupation of Canton, Kukong had become the temporary capital  of Kwantung Province. 

Like the other towns they had passed through, the escape party were greeted with a rapturous welcome when they entered Kukong. Their escape from Hong Kong led by the one-legged Chinese Admiral had been inspiring. They were met by the Governor, General Li, and by the Army Commander General Yu Han Mou. General Yu was the Chinese Army officer who had been thought to be leading a force coming to the aid of Hong Kong during the battle. Maltby wrote in his Report on Operations in Hong Kong that on 20 December 1941 Admiral Chan Chak had advised him that General Yu Han Mou had wirelessed his office to the effect that 60,000 Chinese troops were at Sham Chun on the frontier and were about to attack the rear of the Japanse 23rd Army that had invaded Hong Kong.  On the strength of this, Maltby issued a communique to be sent out to all British and Dominion troops in Hong Kong stating 'there are indications that Chinese forces are advancing towards the frontier to our aid. All ranks must,therefore, hold their positions at all costs and look forward to only a few more days of strain.' 6. As it happened there was no significant Chinese force at the border and the Japanese 66th Infantry Regiment had been held in reserve to protect the rear from just such an attack. In addtion the Japanese had two or three divisions in and around Canton. When the Chinese Army saw how quickly the Japanese established a bridgehead on Hong Kong Island and then captured Wong Nai Chung Gap they must have realised  the battle had become a foregone conclusion. They shelved any idea of coming to the assistance of what increasingly appeared to be a defeated garrison. 

At Kukong the escape party were able to communicate by telephone with the British Embassy in Chungking. It was a poor line but they were able to provide details of their escape and the names of those that made up the escape party. The embassy, in liaison with Owen-Hughes, arranged for seven of the party to be flown from Kukong to Chungking. This group of seven included Commander Montague, David MacDougall, Ted Ross and four of the five staff officers from the Battle Box. They flew at night on a 14-seater Dakota DC-2.  Major Goring remained in Kukong having gone down with malaria. He was later sent by train to Kweilin  and from there by plane to Chungking. By the time Goring arrived in Chungking, the other staff officers, Robinson, Guest, Oxford and Macmillan had already been flown to India. Goring was later flown to India where he rejoined his regiment. Max Oxford returned from India to Chungking where he was given the role of Assistant Air Attache at the British Embassy. David MacDougall was sent to Chengdu for medical treatment. The bullet proved difficult to extract  and was left in his shoulder. He was given priority air passage to London where he briefed the Secretary of State for the Colonies on the situation in Hong Kong. He was later posted to the United States where he was reunited with his wife and children. After the Japanese surrender he returned to Hong Kong as a Brigadier and a member of the British Military Administration responsible for civilian matters. On the return to civilian government in Hong Kong - he became Colonial Secretary. Admiral Chan Chak  remained in Kukong where he had an operationto remove the bullet still lodged in his wrist. The Admiral's bodyguard Yeung Chuen was sent back to occupied Hong Kong to assist the Admiral's wife to escape from Hong Kong. Leung Wing-yuen, the guerilla leader, returned to Dapeng having been promoted to the rank of Captain by General Yu. Leung's pro-Nationalist anti-Japanese guerillas  were officially recognised as part of the Waichow Army Command. Lt Col Ride  who escaped from Sham Shui Po prison camp on 9 January 1942, arrived in Kukong at the end of January and met up with Admiral Chan and Lt-Col Owen-Hughes. Ride was already formulating plans to establish the BAAG. Colonel Yee turned up in Kukong on 5 February 1942. The relationship between Adniral Chan and his ADC deteiorated because Chan suspected Yee of stealing the large amount of cash hidden in the admiral's artificial leg which had been left on the bullet riddled launch. When Chan Chak recovered from his operation he was flown by the British to Calcutta to be fitted with a new artificial leg. He was awarded an honoury knighthood  and after the war he became Mayor of Canton. He died at the early age of fifty-six in 1949.

After a week in Kukong, the naval party set off by train to Henyang, Kweilin and Kweiyang from where they were sent by truck to Kumming. At Kumming they were taken by truck to Burma along the Burma Road which had been a lifeline for supplies to reach Free China. After the Japanese captured Burma this road route to China was closed off and everything had to come by aircraft flying over the Himalayas. The pilots referred to this as flying over the hump. It was hazardous because of the high altitude flown, the changing weather and the threat from Japanese military aircraft. In Burma the naval party were allocated to serve on minelayers, minesweepers and patrol boats operated by the Burma RNVR. After a few weeks and anticipating the imminent fall of Rangoon the nval party were ordered to return to UK. Most left on a  commandeered Danish merchant ship, the Heinrich Jessen, which sailed on 8 March 1942. The merchant ship had escaped from Hong Kong and then from Singapore. Once again she escaped but this time from Rangoon and she was the last ship to leave before the Japanese occupied the city. 

Lt-Cdr Gandy was Mentioned in Dispatches for daring and resourcefulness in Far Eastern waters and for escaping as ordered. Commander Montague was awarded the OBE and was Mentioned in Dispatches. It had been an incredible escape from the chaos of defeat in Hong Kong. The naval group had taken their boats along the China Coast. The boat crews had travelled 3,000 miles across China and Burma. In Burma they re-joined the war effort serving on a variety of naval vessels during the Japanese invasion of Burma. The escape from Hong Kong, the delayed departure, the discovery of the Admiral's party had relied on good fortune ..................but  then fortune favours the brave. 


..................

Acknlowlegments

Richard Hide 


Notes

1. Commander Montague's Report dated 16 January 1942  (UK National Archives ADM 199/1286)

2. My Escape from Hong Kong by Aurthur Goring (The Wide World Magazine March 1949)

3. Hong Kong Full Circle 1939-45 by Alexander Kennedy 

4. IBID

5. Report on Operations in Hong Kong by Major General Maltby published  in the London Gazette dated 29 January 1948

6. IBID


Main Reference Sources

Escape from Hong Kong (2012) Tim Luard

Hong Kong Full Circle 1939-1945 (1969) Alexander Kennedy

My Escape from Hong Kong  (1949) Lt-Col Arthur Goring  (published in The Wide World Magazine)

Colin McEwan's Diary: The Battle for Hong Kong and Escape into China (2005) by Dan Waters/Alison McEwan publised in Vol 45 of Journal of RAS HK Branch 


Official War Diaries

HMS Tamar & Aberdeen Industrial School by Commander H.C. Millett (Enclosure C to Commodore's Report UK National Archives ADM 199/1286

Operations of the 2nd MTB Flotilla in Hong Kong Waters by Lt Cdr Gandy 

Report by Commander Montague (dated 16 January 1942 after the escape from Hong Kong) 


Addendum

Extracts from Commander Millett's diary:

1630 hours 25 Dec 1941: "Meanwhile SNO [Montague - Senior Naval Officer] had visited Aberdeen Dockyard and informed them of the surrender and instructing all personnel to proceed to AIS. He called for volunteers to refloat the launch C-410 which was ashore  on the eastern side of Aplei Chau [Aberdeen Island] and a party of officers at once went off and brought the craft back alongside Man Kwok (former ferry) under heavy shell fire and MG fire [despite the surrender] - [anything that moved around the harbour was a target].  The [MG fire] came from the eastern slopes of Brick Hill. It appeared that the enemy were now in possession of our AA position. At about this time HMS Robin was scuttled the crew proceeding to AIS. The launch Cornflower-2 had been got into running order and some Chinese officals  and others proceeded out by the souther entrance. There seems little doubt this boat was sunk.

SNO (Aberdeen) [Commander Montague] paid a last very short visit to AIS returning immediately to Aberdeen Dockyard where her personally supervised the watering and storing of C410 - she was already complete with fuel. Neither his whereabout  or plans were known  to AIS and there was no news of him by 1900 hours and it was feared that he might have met with some mishap, his absence was reported to the Commodore.

Observations from Lt-Cdr Gandy's diary:  

Gandy writes that he received the the single word "GO"  from the XDO at 1515. In consultation with Kendall - he decided to remain because it would be dangerous to go in daylight and he had not got the Admiral on board. 

Extracts and Observations from Montague's Diary

"At 1615 on 25 December, his Excellency Admiral Chan Chak, accompanied by members of his mission and by officers of Fortress HQ arrived at the Naval Base, Abedeen in order  to proceed to Mirs Bay in the boats of the 2nd MTB Flotilla according to pre-arranged plans."

The volunteer crew of C-410 included Lt Pittendrigh, Lt Pethwick and mssrs E. Cox Walker, Marchant, C. Skinner and E. H. Brazelle.

"I consider it fortunate that Lt-Cdr Gandy showed such discretion in not precipitaly obeying the order to go at once. At nightfall  (about 1900 hours)  C-410 proceeded to the rendezvous at Magazine Island".


Gallery

Arthur Goring's account in The Wide World Magazine March 1949




Tuesday, 6 August 2024

The Surrender at Hong Kong - Christmas Day 1941

The decision to surrender was taken taken at or around 1515 hours (1) during the afternoon of Christmas Day 1941. It is sometimes referred to as 'Black Christmas' because it ushered in the brutal military occupation of Hong Kong. Shortly after this the white flag was hoisted on some of the public buildings in the central district. An eerie silence prevailed over the north shore of Hong Kong Island as the news of the surrender was disseminated amongst the opposing combatants. Nonetheless, the sound of gunfire emanating  from Stanley and Aberdeen on the south side of the Island provided evidence of on-going battle. The British military HQ, known as China Command, had been out of communication with Stanley and other parts of Hong Kong because of severed telephone lines cut by artillery, aerial bombing and mortar fire. At 1605 hours, (2) three staff officers, Lt Colonel Ronald Lamb, Royal Engineers, Lt James Prior, King's Own Scottish Borderers, and Wing Commander Hubert ('Alf') Bennett, RAF, a Japanese linguist, arrived at Lt Colonel Henry Moncrieff ('Monkey') Stewart's HQ at Murray Barracks. Lt Col Stewart was the commander of the 1st Battalion of the Middlesex Regiment and the officer in charge of the troops fighting on the north shore. The three staff officers had been sent  from China Command located in the Battle Box, a deep underground bunker from which Major General Christopher Michael ('Mike') Maltby, the army commander, had fought the Battle for Hong Kong. The three staff officers carried orders from Maltby instructing Stewart to proceed through the battle torn streets of Wan Chai under a flag of truce to the Japanese battle HQ in order to give effect to the surrender and bring the fighting to an end.

The fomal surrender at the Peninsula Hotel

The Christmas capitulation marked the end of a short but brutal battle for the defence of Hong Kong. The battle which lasted eighteen days had been a losing-battle from the outset. The Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, knew that if Hong Kong was attacked by the Japanese it could neither be defended nor relieved. Hong Kong was too close to Japanese airbases in Formosa (present day Taiwan) and Southern China and it was too near the Japanese 23rd Army, commanded by Lt General Sakai, headquartered in Canton with several infantry divisions at his disposal. Early in 1941, Churchill, responding to a request to reinforce the garrison at Hong Kong, wrote in a note to his military advisor, General Hastings Ismay that he would rather reduce the number of troops in Hong Kong than add more troops to what had become an isolated out post and a strategic liability.

It is most unwise to increase the loss we shall suffer there. Instead of increasing the garrison it ought to be reduced to a symbolical scale ... We must avoid frittering away our resources on untenable positions ... I wish we had fewer troops there but to move any would be noticeable and dangerous. (3)

Hong Kong had been effectively  relegated from a 'fortress' to an 'untenable position'. Given Churchill's views on the prospect of defending Hong Kong, it is surprising that a Canadian force, known as C-Force, consisting of some 2,000 men was sent to Hong Kong in November 1941 three weeks before the battle began. It may have been agreed because they were coming from Canada rather than being drawn from stretched British resources. The two Canadian battalions could only prolong the battle rather than change the outcome. Likewise the mooted addition of a squadron of Brewster Buffaloes from Singapore would have made little difference given the number of Japanese aircraft in the theatre. If it came to war with Japan, Hong Kong would have to be sacrificed but not without a fight. Sir Geoffry Northcote, the Governor and Commander-in-Chief in Hong Kong from 1937 until September 1941, had at one time proposed that Hong Kong be demilitarised and treated as an open city. This suggestion received little support especially from the military. Winston Churchill was reluctant to reduce the size of the garrison at Hong Kong as to do so would give the wrong message to Chiang Kai-shek, to the Russians, to the Americans and to the Japanese. There were geopolitical issues that had to be taken into account both in maintaining the size of the garrison and in the Canadian reinforcement.

Magor General Christopher 'Mike' Maltby and Sir Mark Young, Governor and C-in-C

In December 1941 when the Pacific War began, with the exception of coastal defence, Hong Kong was weak militarily. By way of example, there were only five RAF aircraft stationed in Hong Kong. At a time when aviation technology was changing rapidly, the aircraft, all biplanes, had become obsolete and they were no match for modern Japanese fighter aircraft. The RAF aircraft consisted of two Supermarine Walrus flying boats,  a type of aircraft normally used for reconnaissance  or air-sea rescue. These flying boats were often deployed on battleships and cruisers. The were launched by catapult and recovered by crane and were normally used for spotting enemy surface ships. In addition to these two antiquated amphibian aircraft there were three open-cockpit Vickers Vildebeest torpedo bombers. Four of the five obsolete RAF aircraft were  destroyed on the ground at Kai Tak Airport, or at their moorings in the case of the two flying boats, during the first air raid early in the morning on 8 December 1941. The one surviving aircraft, a Vildebeest, was never used and was put out of action by the RAF three days later when the airfield was evacuated. The destruction of the five aircraft made not the slightest difference to the course of the battle.

Walrus flying boat 


Vickers Vildbeest

The Royal Navy's presence in Hong Kong was similarly weak and for the same reasons, in that the loss of Hong Kong was a foregone conclusion, at least for the high command in London. There were four gunboats originally intended to defend pre-war British interests along the major rivers of China. One of the gunboats, HMS Moth, was in dry-dock at the RN Dockyard when war broke out and other than the occasional use of her anti-aircraft armament, she played no part in the battle. She was scuttled in the flooded dock and after the surrender was re-floated and put into service with the Japanese Navy as the IJN Suma. She was sunk by a mine in the Yangtze River in 1945. HMS Cicala, the same class of gunboat as Moth played an active part in the battle particularly in providing naval gunfire support to the army. Despite their small size, these Insect class gunboats were surprisingly well-armed. They were equipped with two 6-inch guns, one mounted forward and one aft. In addition they carried a 2-pounder pom-pom gun and a 3-inch high-angle gun both of which were suitable for anti-aircraft fire. The two remaining gunboats were small and of limited use militarily. 

There were eight motor torpedo boats (MTBs). These were wooden vessels armed with double-barrelled Lewis guns, depth charges and stern launched torpedo tubes. One of the MTBs was destroyed by aerial bombing while on the slipway at Aberdeen Dockyard and two were destroyed during an attack by the MTBs on Japanese landing craft in the harbour. The five remaining MTBs escaped from Hong Kong on Christmas night following the surrender and after nightfall. There were three antiquated 'S' Class destroyers built during the closing stages of the First World War.  These destroyers had standing orders to sail to Singapore in the event of hostilities breaking out. On Monday 8 December, two of the destroyers, HMS Scout and HMS Thanet, sailed south for Singapore. HMS Thracian, remained in Hong Kong because it had been fitted out for minelaying and its stern gun had been temporarily removed. She was still needed for completing the task of laying minefields.  Thracian was continuously in action until badly damaged while undertaking a night raid and subsequently beached on an island (Round Island) near Repulse Bay. The 6-inch guns on Cicala and the presence of the MTBs with their ability to strike with speed and surprise posed a considerable threat to the Japanese fleet especially alongside the coastal defence batteries and the minefields. The coastal defence batteries constituted a ring of fire and included the long range 9.2-inch guns at Mount Davis, Stanley and Cape D'Aguilar. The 9.2-inch guns could fire a 380 pound armour-piercing shell a distance of over 20 kilometres. The Japanese 2nd China Expeditionary Fleet, commanded by Vice Admiral Niimi, had no ships with this gun calibre and range. The 9.2-inch batteries were augmented by a series of 6-inch and 4-inch coastal batteries for engaging closer targets. Indicator loops laid on the seabed could detect the movement of an  enemy ship or submarine . The data derived would be relayed to the RN indicator loop station at Tai Tam Tuk. The intruding vessel could be then be sunk by gunfire or by detonating remote controlled mines. The minefields protecting the approaches to Hong Kong consisted of both remote-controlled and traditional contact mines. The remote controlled mines could be detonated from the shore stations located at Chung Hom Kok and Shek-O. The coastal defence of Hong Kong island was second to none but because the Japanese Navy stayed out of range, the coastal defence guns were seldom used for seaward firing. Instead, the guns, except those blocked by terrain, were traversed and used for landward firing. This was something they had not been designed for. Most of their ammunition was armour-piercing, suitable for engaging enemy ships, but not suitable for engaging enemy infantry. There were insufficient high explosive (HE) shells needed for landward firing. The Japanese Navy, except for some occasional forays by night, stayed well out to sea and concentrated on ensuring that there could be no extrication from Hong Kong nor reinforcement or resupply by sea.

F2 (middle gun of three) coastal defence battery on Mount Davis

Two of eight Motor Torpedo Boats based in Hong Kong 

The defence of Hong Kong was hampered by the lack of modern fighter aircraft and the shortage of warships, mortars, howitzers, transport, ammunition, AA guns and men. Almost everything was in short supply. Officers and senior NCOs had been frequently 'milked', the expression referred to the transfer of experienced officers and men to serve in other more important  theatres of war. The reason for this was that Hong Kong was simply not a priority. Military assets in the Far East had been concentrated in Singapore and Malaya. Singapore was seen as the 'Gibraltar of the East', the impregnable fortress. On 15 February 1942, Lt General Arthur Percival, the army commander at Singapore surrendered his force of some 85,000 British and Commonwealth troops to General Yamashita, who became known as the 'Tiger of Malaya', who commanded a smaller force of some 35,000 men. The Japanese had advanced so rapidly down the Malayan Peninsula that they had reached the end of their supply lines. The British had been out-manoeuvred and out-fought. Churchill described the Fall of Singapore as the 'worst disaster and the largest capitulation in British military history'. It was an unexpected defeat, whereas Hong Kong was an expected defeat. In Hong Kong, the British garrison of some 12,500 men, (4) surrendered to a larger Japanese force consisting of some 21,000 men (5)  predominantly from the 38th Infantry Division and the 1st Artillery Group (6). 

The original British defence plan envisaged one infantry battalion being deployed on Kowloon side, referred to as the Mainland. Their role being to delay the Japanese advance and to buy time to carry out demolitions of factories, docks and other infrastructure. Following the arrival of Canadian reinforcements in November 1941, the Mainland infantry was increased from one to three battalions. The force, known as the Kowloon or Mainland Brigade, was supported by the howitzers of the Hong Kong Singapore Royal Artillery (HKSRA). The Mainland Brigade dug in along the ten-mile line of defence referred to as the Gin Drinkers Line (GDL). The new defence plan was based on the same premise i.e. delaying the enemy advance from the border and thereby buying time for the demolitions before a withdrawal to Hong Kong Island. A withdrawal from the Mainland was always anticipated, it was part of the defence plan, but it occurred quicker than expected. The withdrawal from the Mainland was brought forward because of the loss of the Shing Mun Redoubt, a strong point on the GDL. The loss of the redoubt on Tuesday night 9 December compromised the western flank of the GDL and necessitated the withdrawal of the line to the ridge which runs from Golden Hill to Lai Chi Kok. The Golden Hill Ridge Line was steep and covered an extensive area. It had not been prepared as a defence line and as a result there were no slit trenches, no barbed wire, no pillboxes and no minefields. The infantry gave ground on the ridge although one company held the high point of Golden Hill throughout Thursday 11 December.  The evacuation commenced during the evening of 11 December with the Royal Scots breaking off the fighting and being ferried back to Hong Kong Island. The two Indian Army battalions manning the centre and east flank of the GDL were withdrawn from Devil's Peak Peninsula on 12 and 13 December. The defence plan envisaged that after the withdrawal from the Mainland, the Island would be held until relieved. Holding the Island would deny the enemy access to the harbour.

Royal Scots officer wearing the Tam o' Shanter at the Shing Mun Redoubt

The Hong Kong Government had built a large number of concrete food stores at various locations around the Island. There was enough stored food to sustain a siege of three to six months until Hong Kong could be relieved by British forces from Singapore. The loss of the battleship HMS Prince of Wales, and the battlecruiser HMS Repulse, off the east coast of Malaya on 10 December 1941, only three days after the war began, demonstrated that no relief could be expected from Singapore. The near simultaneous attack on American, British and Dutch territories in the Asia Pacific Region ensured that there would be no relief  coming from elsewhere either. During the battle the suggestion that a Chinese army was coming to relieve the colony by attacking the rear of the of the Japanese force invading Hong Kong proved illusory. The military evacuation of Kowloon was completed in the early morning of Saturday 13 December. The Japanese invasion of the Island occurred on 18 December. The day following their landings the Japanese captured Wong Nai Chung (WNC) Gap a central and strategic point on the Island. It may have been the landings on the Island and the capture of WNC Gap that dissuaded the Chinese Army from joining the battle for Hong Kong. After the Japanese had successfully landed on the north shore and established a bridgehead; Churchill ordered Sir MarkYoung, the Governor and Commander-in-Chief and by extension Major General Maltby, the General Officer Commanding (GOC) British Troops in China and Commodore Alfred Collinson, the Senior Naval Officer, not to surrender and to resist to the end.

We were greatly concerned to hear of the landings on Hong Kong Island which have been effected by the Japanese. We cannot judge from here the conditions which rendered these landings possible or prevented effective counterattack upon the intruders. There must however be no thought of surrender. Every part of the Island must be fought and the enemy resisted with the utmost stubbornness. The enemy should be compelled to expend the utmost life and equipment. There must be vigorous fighting in the inner defences, and, if need be from house to house. Every day that you are able to maintain your resistance you help the Allied cause all over the world , and by a prolonged resistance you and your men can win the lasting honour which we are sure will be your due. (7)

Resist they did, but by Christmas Day, the enemy were at the gates to the city. On the south side of the Island the Japanese had captured Repulse Bay, Brick Hill, Deep Water Bay and they were in the process of attacking Bennett's Hill. Once captured, this hill feature would open the way for Japanese troops to attack the Aberdeen Naval Base. On the line of gaps, or hill-passes, the Japanese were close to capturing Wan Chai Gap. The possession of Wan Chai Gap would allow the Japanese to advance on Magazine Gap which provided access to the city of Victoria by way of Magazine Gap Road. In the north shore, in the Wan Chai District, close-quarter fighting was taking place from street to street and from tenement to tenement. By 1450 hours, British troops had fallen back to the support line, referred to as the O'Brien Street Line, which was close to the central district of Victoria. Lt Colonel Stewart  had moved his HQ all the way back to Murray Barracks situated on Garden Road at the very edge of the central area. On Christmas Morning, the main English language newspaper, the South China Morning Post, carried Sir Mark's Christmas message to the garrison and residents of the besieged and war torn colony'

In pride and admiration, I send my greetings this Christmas Day to all who are fighting and to all those who are fighting so nobly and so well to sustain Hong Kong against the assault by the enemy. Fight on, hold fast for King and Empire. God bless you all in this your finest hour. (8)

The two infantry brigades, East Brigade and West Brigade , had become separated during the fighting. By Christmas Day, East Infantry Brigade, under Brigadier Cedric Wallis, was cut off at Stanley on the south side of the Island. During the night of 24 December, the Japanese had over-run the front line at Stanley Village using light tanks and infantry. In the early hours of 25 December, the Japanese smashed their way through the support line which ran across the grounds of St Stephen's College. A third line of defence had been hastily prepared on high ground between the support line and Stanley Fort. The third line guarded the approaches to the fort on either side of Wong Ma Kok Road. If the third line was breached, the final line of defence would be the wire perimeter at Stanley Fort. Brigadier Wallis, commanding troops in the Stanley area was preparing to fight a last stand.

The fighting brigadier - Cedric Wallis

Just before dawn on Christmas Morning, Japanese troops broke into the temporary hospital located in the main building at St Stephen's College. In an orgy of unfettered violence, Japanese troops bayoneted patients in their beds, killed doctors and medical orderlies and raped Chinese and British nurses. On Christmas Eve, CSM Stuart ('Tooti') Begg, a member of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps (HKVDC) attached to the Royal Army Service Corps (RASC) having been cut off had swum from Repulse Bay to Stanley to escape capture by the Japanese. Injured and exhausted he was admitted to the temporary hospital. He was surprised to find his wife, Eileen Begg, at the hospital. She was a volunteer  military nurse and had been transferred from Bowen Road Military Hospital to the temporary hospital at St Stephen's. She spent the night of 24 December at her husband's bedside. The ward was dimly lit by hurricane lamps and the windows were covered by mattresses to provide black-out and to protect patients from shrapnel and flying glass. They could hear the noise of battle, machine gun fire, mortar fire and explosions as the fighting drew closer to the hospital. When the Japanese broke into the main ward, Eileen Begg helped her husband to get under the bed. Stuart Begg stated in an affidavit that while they huddled under the bed they could see the mattress above them pierced several times by the point of a bayonet. Eileen saved her husband's life but lost hers. She was one of five British nurses who were raped and she was one of three who were raped, mutilated and killed that Christmas Morning.


Pre-war Civil Defence Exercises

At 0900 hours that morning, two civilians, Major Charles Manners and Andrew Lusk Shields, captured at the Repulse Bay Hotel, were allowed by the Japanese to cross the front line at Causeway Bay under a flag of truce. Their captors granted them parole to meet with Sir Mark Young at Government House. They were instructed to return to Japanese lines by noon. The Japanese would observe a cease fire until they returned. The Japanese authorities had already made two peace proposals  calling for the British  to surrender and thereby avoid further unnecessary bloodshed. These entreaties had been summarily rejected by Sir Mark and Major General Maltby. This time the Japanese made no such demand for a surrender. The Japanese, however, expected that the two civilians having seen the strength of Japanese troops and guns on the Island would impress upon the British commanders the futility of carrying on with the plainly one-sided fight. Sixty-year-old Andrew Shields was a member of the Governor's Executive  Council (EXCO) and a Director of HSBC. Charles Manners, also aged sixty, was the General Manager of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Company. They had been captured at the Repulse Bay Hotel on 23 December. The following day they and other hotel guests were marched from Repulse Bay to North Point where they spent Christmas Eve in a bombed-out battle damaged paint factory. The two exhausted civilians duly met with the Governor and GOC. They were given a hearty breakfast and they reported what they had seen of the strength of the Japanese Army on the Island. A meeting of the Defence Council was convened but it was decided that there should be no talk of surrender and that the garrison would continue to fight on. 

Shields and Manners returned to Japanese lines by noon as instructed. The Japanese were irritated because the two hostages were an hour late. It transpired that the Japanese were using Tokyo time which was one hour ahead of Hong Kong time. The two men re-joined the group of civilian prisoners which included their respective wives who were all waiting at the Duro Paint Factory. During the afternoon the civilians at the paint factory including Manners and Shields were taken across the harbour and interned at the Kowloon Hotel which was used as a temporary place of internment for enemy civilians. In late January 1942 most enemy civilians including Shields and Manners were interned at Stanley Camp.  They both died while interned in 1944 and were buried in the disused military cemetery at Stanley. Shields died from cirrhosis of the liver. His wife a US national was repatriated to the US in September 1943. Manners died of arteriosclerosis. His wife, Agnes, eighteen years his junior was said to be a  Eurasian from Shanghai. She was repatriated to Shanghai in 1942 with other Shanghai residents. 

Fifty-five-year-old Sir Mark Young had only arrived in Hong Kong in September 1941. He had previously been Governor at Tanganyika in East Africa. He had spent his entire career with the Colonial Administration Service other than military service during the First World War. Fifty-year-old  Mike Maltby had spent most of his career with the British Indian Army. He arrived in Hong Kong to take up the role of GOC in July 1941. The two men, both newcomers to Hong Kong, got on well. They shared a sense of urgency in respect of military and civil defence as opposed to the complacency that persisted amongst some of military and business community. Some three hours after Shields and Manners  returned to Japanese lines the British garrison surrendered. In Sir Mark's post-war report on events in Hong Kong on 25 December 1941, he states that the position in the late morning although grave was not such that a capitulation was contemplated. 

For several days before that date it had been evident to my military advisers and to myself  that the question  before us  was not whether but when the enemy would be able to occupy the whole of the colony, and that while we had no chance of preventing that calamity it was our duty to use every effort to postpone it for the longest possible period of time. ... Up to about 1500 hours on 25 December the position on the fighting line was extremely grave but not desperate. We still had a reasonable hope of being able to achieve our daily ambition, namely to add another twenty-four hours to the credit of the account. (9)

The situation deteriorated in the early afternoon. At or around 1500 hours Maltby telephoned Lt Colonel Monkey Stewart at his battalion HQ in Murray Barracks asking for his appraisal. Stewart replied that 'Z' Coy, 1/Mx, was in the process of falling back to the O'Brien Street Line  but between that and the city of Victoria there was no organised defence line other than the RN Dockyard, Commander Collinson, the naval commander, had told Sir Mark  that he would defend the dockyard to the last man, and that his men had taken up positions along the east wall of the dockyard facing the direction of the Japanese advance. Meanwhile, the troops in Wan Chai were coming under artillery fire  from both Kowloon and North Point. Maltby wrote in his report on operations in Hong Kong  that the Japanese drive along the north shore and their proximity to the central district had been the decisive factor. 

I [Maltby] asked Lt Colonel Stewart ... how long in his considered opinion the men could hold the line now occupied. He replied one hour. The Commodore agreed with my conclusion. At 1515 hours, I advised H.E. the Governor and C-in-C. that no further useful military resistance  was possible  and I then ordered all commanding officers to break off the fighting and to capitulate to the nearest Japanese commander, as and when the enemy advanced and opportunity offered. (10)

Having made the difficult decision to capitulate, Sir Mark asked his two senior military commanders, Maltby and Collinson to join him at Government House to await the anticipated arrival of Japanese troops. Maltby left the Battle Box  and Collinson left the RN Dockyard, the two officers made their separate way to Government House. The surrender party, consisting of Lt Colonel Stewart, Wing Commander Bennett, Lt Colonel Lamb and Lt Prior, set off with the unenviable task of conveying the surrender to the Japanese. They proceeded from Murray Barracks through the front line in Wan Chai  walking in the middle of the road. 

George Baxter, an American newsman, was in the bomb damaged bathroom of his apartment in Duddell Street when he glanced out the window and noticed  a white flag flying from the Exchange Building. He rushed up to the roof of the apartment block from there he could see that the union jack had been lowered at Government House. His eyes filled with tears as he realised what this meant. 'It  meant that the city had surrendered ... and that the Japanese would soon be upon us with all the savagery of a conquering army.' (11).

The surrender party were halted by Japanese troops on their frontline and escorted to the Japanese HQ located at the Lee Theatre in Causeway Bay. The Japanese officer in charge was polite. He offered them tea while he contacted his commanding officers advising that two lieutenant colonels and a wing commander had arrived at his HQ to surrender the garrison. After waiting for a period, some senior Japanese staff officers arrived perhaps from their Divisional HQ at North Point. They informed the British delegation that Lt General Sakai, the Japanese Commander-in-Chief would only accept the surrender from the British Commander-in-Chief and the GOC. Two of the officers, Lt Col Lamb and presumably Lt Prior were sent back to Government House to pass the message to Sir Mark and Major General Maltby that unless they came in person to the Japanese HQ the attack would resume at 1830 hours. Collinson recalled that shortly after he arrived at Government House from the Dockyard, Maltby arrived from the Battle Box. A little later, Lt Colonel Lamb arrived from Japanese HQ. The Governor, the GOC and the two staff officers, Lamb and Prior, got into the car. There was no room  for the Commodore so he returned to the RN Dockyard. Sir Mark and Maltby were driven to the front line in Wan Chai and then taken in a Japanese vehicle to the Japanese HQ in Causeway Bay where Lt Colonel Stewart and Wing Commander Bennett were waiting. Sir Mark and Major General Maltby confirmed  that the order to ceasefire had been given to all troops other than those at Stanley. The garrison at Stanley was still out of communication because of severed telephone lines. Arrangements were made for Lt Colonel lamb and Lt Prior, to dive to Stanley in a car bearing the white flag and later with headlights switched on. They were instructed to advise Brigadier Wallis that the GOC had given orders to cease fire and surrender and that he must do the same. 

Sir Mark and Maltby were asked whether they understood that they were prisoners of war. They replied to the affirmative. The Japanese commanding officer, perhaps  Lt General Sano, commanding the 38th Division, gave orders countermanding the Japanese attack that was supposedly scheduled for 1830 hours that evening. Lt General Sakai, the commander  of the Japanese 23rd Army, was moving his HQ from the New Territories to the Peninsula Hotel in Kowloon. He would preside over the formal surrender at his new HQ. The British surrender party, Sir Mark, Maltby, Stewart and Bennett, were taken across the harbour by launch while Lamb and Prior  made their way to Stanley. It is thought that the surrender formalities at the peninsula Hotel took place in Room 336. In the absence of electricity, the proceedings took place by candle-light. The British commanders were asked whether their surrender was unconditional. Sir Mark  replied that there were no conditions. When a photographer appeared, Sir Mark protested and the Japanese rather generously sent the photographer away, but not before a few photographs were taken. One of these photographs catches Major General Maltby and Lt Colonel Stewart  seated at a table looking to their right  possibly at Sir Mark who is out of the photograph. In the background we can see Wing Commander Alf Bennett, dark haired, moustachioed, sitting at a bench against a window and away from the table. After the formalities had been completed, Maltby, Stewart and Bennett were allowed to return to Hong Kong. Sir Mark was ordered to remain and was held in comfortable but solitary confinement in a two-room suite at the hotel. He made frequent requests to see members of his former government, to receive information on casualties and to collect some of his personal  effects from Government House. None of these requests were allowed. He asked for a meeting with the Japanese general. The meeting with a Japanese officer, possibly a staff officer, was granted but the meeting went badly. Sir Mark came across as too demanding. The interpreter ended up yelling at Sir Mark and reminding him that he was a defeated prisoner of war and that he must obey the Japanese. After a few weeks, Pte John Waller, 1/Mx, was selected by Lt Col Stewart to act as a batman for Sir Mark. The next day the two men were flown to Formosa and then on Shanghai. Sir Mark was interned in Shanghai, Formosa and  finally in Manchuria until the war ended. 

The Surrender at the Peninsula Hotel (Repeat Pic.)

Brigade Major John Monro, RA, based at the Battle Box recalled that the white flag was hoisted sometime after 1500 hours. Thereafter secret documents were destroyed and rifles, tommy guns and revolvers were put out of action. Somebody in the Battle Box mentioned that their Webley revolvers used dumdum rounds, otherwise known as expanding bullets. There was concern amongst the officers that if found with this type of banned ammunition they could be summarily shot by the Japanese. Consequently, there was a rush to hide the revolver rounds before the Japanese arrived. Monro described how they were hidden in all sorts of nooks and crannies and especially in the ventilation ducts. (12) Major Monro recalled how Colonel Levett, the Chief Signals Officer, came across to the Royal Artillery Command Office in the Battle Box and complained that some of the nearby British guns were still in action despite the order to ceasefire and surrender. Monro related how there was a heated exchange  between Colonel Levett and Brigadier Macleod, Commander Royal Artillery. Monro was sent out with another officer to investigate and found that the sound of gunfire was coming from a burning Bren gun carrier located near Murray Parade Ground. The fire had ignited grenades and small arms ammunition in the carrier. A Japanese field gun on Kowloon side was firing at the source of the conflagration. At about 1600 hours, 2/Lt Geoffrey Hamilton, 2/RS, received a runner at his HQ at Wan Chai Gap. The runner conveyed a message that the garrison had surrendered and that he was to cease fire and assemble at the Peak. Augustus Muir, writing in the official history of the Royal Scots, described how 'Hamilton put the man under close arrest and sent one of his own men to Battalion HQ to find out the truth'. (13) At 1700 hours, Lt Colonel Simon White, the Royal Scots battalion commander together with Captain Douglas Ford, the second-in-command, and Pte George King, an orderly carrying the white flag, proceeded from Wan Chai Gap to Stubbs Road to give effect to the surrender in that area. The Japanese were occupying two residential houses at No. 48 and 49 Stubbs Road as their area HQ. 

2/Lt Drummond Hunter, 2/RS, a patient at the Bowen Road Military Hospital (BRMH) had been wounded in the shoulder while in action on Golden Hill on 11 December. Twelve days later he was moved by ambulance to the temporary hospital at the Hong Kong Hotel for convalescence. He never got there. The ambulance crashed into a wall during an air raid and as a result he incurred a fractured spine. He was taken back to BRMH and put in plaster from head to hip. His fiance, Peggy Scotcher, was a volunteer military nurse at the hospital. When Drummond Hunter heard about the surrender he immediately sent for the hospital chaplain, Major James Squires, and asked him to conduct a marriage there and then.  The witneeses included Mrs Violet White, the wife of the battalion commander, and Mrs Joan Challinor, daughter of an officer serving with the Royal Artillery at Stanley.  The two ladies were both volunteer nurses at the Military Hospital. The commanding officer of BRMH, Lt Colonel Shackleton, RAMC, arrived in the ward with a bottle of champagne. Edith Dyson, the hospital matron, broght a cake intended as a Christmas cake which she had 'liberated' from the RAMC mess. Peggy Scotcher got married in her nurse's uniform. An air raid took place during the bedside ceremony and a bomb landed close to the ward. The guests took temporary cover and the wedding carried onshortly afterwards. The wedding brought some cheer to an otherwise cheerless day. Peggy Hunter and her mother, Bertha Scotcher, an Oxford University graduate, were interned at Stanley Camp. Her father and new husband were interned in the military prisoner of war (POW) camps.

Regimental Sergeant Major Enos Ford, based at Mount Davis with its battery of three 9.2-inch guns was shocked to hear of the surrender. In his diary he recorded that nobody at Mount Davis expected Hong Kong to surrender and some of the men had tears in their eyes when they heard the news. The gunners at Mount Davis blew up their guns in the time honoured fashion of placing a shell in the muzzle and firing a shell from the breach. The men broke their rifles or took out the bolts and threw the bolts down the hillside. Pte Tom Forsyth, WG, was stunned when he heard news of the surrender. His battalion, headquartered at Wan Chai Gap, was ordered to lay down their weapons at Peak Mansions a residential apartment building close to the Peak Tram Station. There were different emotions at play. There was relief that one had survived when so many others had not and there was concern about Japanese ill-treatment and the conditions they woud face during internment. 

The white flag party consisting of the two British staff officers, Lt Colonel Lamb and Lt Prior and presumably one or more Japanese officers but these are not mentioned,  arrived at Stanley Fort at 2000 hours. Lt Colonel Lamb  advised Brigadier Wallis that Sir Mark Young and Major General Maltby had gone to Japanese HQ to formalise the surrender of the garrison. They informed Wallis that his orders  were to surrender his force and to hand over all arms, artillery and equipment in good order. Wallis knew Lt Colonel Lamb but only slightly; he did not know Lr Prior, a junior staff officer (GSO-5)  working in the cypher office. Orders of this magnitude would normally be given in writing. Wallis was uncomfortable with the instructions to hand over the 9.2-inch guns without first putting them out of action. Furthermore the decision to surrender  was inconsistent with the communication he had with Maltby earlier that day before the telephone lines were cut.

In view of the GOC's personal talk with me during the last week and a conversation as early as 25 December, in which he had impressed me not to give up so long as ammunition, food and water were available, it seemed a doubtful story. Could I trust these two excited officers? Surely the GOC would give me some confidential warning to enable me to destroy the big guns and important equipment in time. ... After careful consideration, I decided I could not surrender without confirmation. Accordingly, I despatched Major Harland, 2/RS,  my Brigade Major, to obtain confirmation or otherwise. (14) 

Major Harland left Stanley with the two staff officers. The roads were pitted and battle-damaged and there were numerous Japanese posts that they had to pass through. Harland returned  carrying a formal written order and a personal note from Lt Colonel Stewart. The formal message signed by Stewart for and on behalf of the GOC confirmed the order to cease fire and surrender. The personal note  commiserated with him and urged him to convey the surrender in person to the local Japanese commander on his front. At about 0230 hours on 26 December, Wallis ordered  the white flag to be hoisted at Stanley Fort. The 9.2-inch coastal defence guns had been put out of action at Fort Bokhara and Fort Davis. Wallis made the decision not to blow up the three 9.2-inch and the two 6-inch guns at Stanley. Wallis wrote in his war diary  that he was concerned that if the explosions were heard it may negate the efforts of the GOC and the Governor to implement the surrender. Having received confirmation of the order to lay down arms, Wallis accompanied by Major Harland then proceeded to the local Japanese HQ which he described as being situated in a large white house in Stanley some 400 metres from the police station. The two officers were held overnight albeit they were well treated. The next morning, Wallis was released and Harland was held until his place was taken by Captain James, RA,  who was to act as liaison officer between Stanley Fort and the Japanese HQ at Stanley. A telephone was duly run  from the Japanese HQ to Stanley Fort.

Commander Hugh Montague, the Senior Naval Officer at Aberdeen (SNOA) received a signal from the Commodore at around 1530  with the orders to cease hostilities. The Aberdeen naval base, located in the former Aberdeen Industrial School (AIS), sent out runners to inform the RN personnel fighting as infantry in the hills behind Aberdeen that they should return to AIS. A naval platoon under Lt Laurence Beattie which occupied  the summit of Bennett's Hill was the last of the RN personnel to return to the base. Commander Montague went across to the Aberdeen Naval Dockyard to inform personnel  to cease fire and return to base. Despite the ceasefire, AIS came under heavy artillery fire during the remainder of the afternoon. The main building was hit several times although casualties were light because of the strength of the structure. The gunboat, HMS Robin, moored in Staunton Creek, was scuttled and the crew returned to the Aberdeen Naval Base. While at the Dockyard, Montague gave orders to re-float the grounded naval tug C-410 which he used later that evening with a volunteer crew to escape from Hong Kong. Apart from a brief return to AIS at 1600 hours, Montague spent the rest of the afternoon at the Aberdeen Dockyard waiting for nightfall to make good his escape. The personnel at AIS were not aware of Montague's intended escape and at 1900 hours reported his absence to the Commodore. He was assumed to have been wounded or killed during the artillery bombardment  of AIS and the nearby Naval Dockyard. Commander Herbert  Millet replaced Montague as SNOA assisted by Lt Commander  Arthur Pears, the former commanding officer of the destroyer HMS Thracian. At 1730 hours, the personnel at AIS were mustered by Lt Cdr Pears. He confirmed that the garrison had surrendered and provided some explanation as to the capitulation and guidance as to their future conduct as prisoners of war. The Commodore ordered that the stocks of alcohol at AIS should be destroyed to avoid the Japanese soldiers in jubilant mood getting hold of liquor, getting drunk and running amok. The Aberdeen Naval Base held stocks of liquor and naval rum from HMS Tamar and the China Fleet Club. That afternoon they disposed of 1,800 gallons of rum. Across the defeated colony, weapons were being put of action, code books and secret documents were being burnt. RSM Ford at Mount Davis described it as a bitter moment because amongst the rank and file no-one had expected Hong Kong to surrender. Earlier that Christmas morning, the message from both the Governor and the GOC had been to 'fight on and hold fast'. 

When Major General Mike Maltby was appointed to the role of GOC and arrived in Hong Kong in July 1941 I wonder whether he realised that he had been given an impossible task ie to defend Hong Kong in the event that it was attacked. The same applies to Sir Mark who arrived a little later in September 1941. Given the paucity of aircraft, warships, guns and men, they must have realised that there was little that could be done against a determined Japanese invasion. Of course nobody could be sure that Japan would go to war and many thought they were simply sabre rattling. Few would have anticipated that the Japanese would simultaneously attack Hawaii, Hong Kong, Malaya and Singapore. Maltby and Sir Mark took the threat seriously and pressed on with military and civil defence preparations. Maltby must have been encouraged by the arrival of the Canadian force in November 1941 and by the plans to send a squadron of fighter aircraft to Hong Kong. Sir Mark and Maltby knew they had been dealt a weak hand but they were determined to do their best despite the limitations. Maltby described their predicament  as being 'hostages to fortune'. The reality was that he, the Commodore and the Governor were presiding over a lost cause. Sir Mark and Maltby were criticised by some for not surrendering earlier and thereby saving more lives. However, their instructions from the Prime Minister were clear. They were ordered to resist  for as long as possible and that this would assist the Allied cause. The Governor and his military commanders were following their orders. It had become a matter of honour. Writing after the war, Churchill acknowledged that the colony had put up 'a good fight' and that they had indeed won 'the lasting honour'.


Notes

1. The time of 1515 hours is taken from Maltby's Report on Operations dated January 1948. At this time the General advised the Governor that 'no further useful military resistance was possible'. 

2. The time 1605 hours is taken from 1/Mx battalion war diary.

3. Note to General Hastings from the Prime Minister. Source: The Second World War Volume III (1950) Winston Churchill (p. 157)

4. Estimates of the British garrison size vary between 12,500 and 14,000. My number of 12,500 is derived from the number quoted in Maltby's Report on Operations after adding the number  of non-army personnel ie Royal Navy, Royal Marines, Dockyard Defence Corps and the RAF contingent.

5. Estimates of the Japanese invasion force vary significantly and depend on whether one includes, the Japanese Navy, Japanese Air Force and the troops held in reserve across the border. The Japanese deployed one infantry division (38th Division) to attack Hong Kong consisting of 13,000 men and the First Artillery Group consisting of 6,000 men I have assumed 2,000 men from other ancillary units (ie Gendarmes and 23rd Army staff) to make a total of 21,000 and this excludes Air Force and Navy personnel

6. It was an unexpected defeat but Singapore and Malaya lacked tanks, HE shells and up-to-date aircraft. The Japanese had both air and sea superiority. The latter more so after the sinking of the Prince of Wales and Repulse. Lt General Percival the GOC in Malaya Command based in Singapore had the manpower but lacked the military assets. 

7. Prime Minister to Governor Hong Kong dated 21 December 1941. Source: The Second World War Volume III (1950) Winston Churchill (p.563).

8. Official communique from Governor reproduced in South China Morning Post.

9. Events in Hong Kong on 25 December 1941 by Sir Mark Young for the Secretary of State for the Colonies published in Hong Kong Government Gazette July 1948.

10. Operations in Hong Kong from 8 to 25 December by Major General Maltby  published in London Gazette January 1948

11. Personal Experiences during the siege of Hong Kong by George Baxter (p. 16).

12. A Gunner's War in China  the private papers of Lt Col J H Monro (IWM Docs. 17941).

13. The First of Foot (1961) Augustus Muir (p.128).

14 East Infantry Brigade War Diary (UKNA CAB106/35).


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